Showing posts with label Rothbard. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rothbard. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 2, 2016

Rothbard on how Fractional Reserve Banking would be illegal in Anarcho-Capitalism

In the passage below:
“Indeed, a ‘free market’ necessarily implies total respect for and protection of private property. But this means that rights of private property must always be preserved. This implies not only a cracking down on assault and murder, but also on all forms of theft and fraud, including counterfeiting. Counterfeiting must be prosecuted fully by the law and, more than that, must be scorned and condemned by public opinion. As an advocate of 100 percent reserve banking, of full gold backing for all bank notes and deposits, I recognize that it would be difficult for government to police the banks, banks being notably ingenious in discovering market ways of getting around government regulations. One hundred percent banking must be enforced, not by administrative regulations, but by the legal system. While investigative snoops can hunt down counterfeit warehouse-receipts, it would be far simpler and more effective to crack down immediately and totally on any failure of a bank to pay in full on demand. First, as the Jacksonians wanted, but were never able to get through the Whig-dominated Congress in the late 1830s, at the first sign of such non-payment, the bank must be declared insolvent and its assets liquidated. But, second, these fractional-reserve bankers must be treated not as mere entrepreneurs who made unfortunate business decisions but as counterfeiters and embezzlers who should be cracked down on by the full majesty of the law. Forced repayment to all the victims plus substantial jail terms should serve as a deterrent as well as to mete out punishment for this criminal activity.

I envision the free-market world of the future, then, as one of purely metallic worldwide money. Increases of bank money will not be tolerated and will be treated as the counterfeiting and the invasion of property rights that they really are. The money supply, then, will grow only slowly, concomitant with the slow growth in the stock of the world’s gold.” (Rothbard 1992: 39–40).
I suspect that Rothbardians these days have sensed that they have lost the argument on fractional reserve banking, and that Rothbard’s idea that fractional reserve banking is inherently fraudulent and immoral has been refuted time and again.

Consequently, modern Rothbardians would like to sweep the passage above (and ones like it by Rothbard) under the rug and pretend he never said it. Well, he did.

Rothbard’s views are clear:
(1) bankers have a propensity to engage in fractional reserve practices;

(2) in an anarcho-capitalist world, the private law code would make fractional reserve banking illegal, and

(3) fractional reserve bankers would be punished with the full force of the law, including forced repayment and substantial jail terms.
But, curiously, in Rothbard’s system there is no criminal law – only private civil law.

That is to say, all crimes are offences only punishable under a system of private law, and the victim can obtain redress or justice only if they privately bring a law suit or legal action against the perpetrator of the crime.

This means the only way to punish fractional reserve banking is by private suits. But of course if you have lost all your savings in a bank run, you do not have that option, not without a loan, or a lawyer willing to work for free, or a “no win, no fee” lawyer.

In any case, Rothbard’s opinion is stated explicitly: fractional reserve banking needs to be banned and illegal in anarcho-capitalist utopia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rothbard, Murray N. 1992. “The Present State of Austrian Economics,” Working Paper from the Ludwig von Mises Institute, November 1992.

Saturday, October 17, 2015

The Filthy Anti-Capitalist Mentality – of Austrian Economics

And I mean the anti-capitalist mentality of the Austrian libertarian cult and certainly in its Rothbardian form, because – make no mistake – these people are anti-capitalist in their core ideological beliefs, no matter how much we have to hear of their blustering nonsense.

Let us take the crucial points which make Austrian libertarianism anti-capitalist:
(1) Opposition to fractional reserve banking
Rothbardians and many other Austrian libertarians oppose even private capitalist fractional reserve banking, but their arguments for doing so are utterly flawed, wrong or just plain ignorant. In truth, fractional reserve banking is neither inherently immoral nor fraudulent, but is a fundamental and indispensable basis of capitalism. You cannot have modern capitalism without it.

In its ignorant opposition to fractional reserve banking, Rothbardianism and other Austrian economics following the Rothbardian view are actually profoundly anti-capitalist and (on their own principles!) would require coercive violations of private property rights and free contract to ban fractional reserve banking, if they were to implement their utopian anarcho-“capitalist” system.

(2) The Austrian business cycle theory (ABCT) when we understand Point (1)
Because of their mistaken view in (1), Austrians and Rothbardians – whether they want to admit it or not – are logically committed to the view that business cycles are a core and inevitable element of capitalism. In essence, Rothbardians assert that, in order to avoid business cycles, not only central banking but also private-sector fractional reserve banking must be abolished.

However, as we have seen, fractional reserve banking is a fundamental basis of capitalism and is not fraudulent. It cannot be abolished without rejecting capitalism. Capitalism is stuck with fractional reserve banking. It follows that Austrians and Rothbardians (if they were honest) must admit that capitalism – since fractional reserve banking is at its heart – is inherently and badly flawed and naturally tends to produce business cycles in its laissez faire state. Laissez faire capitalism is therefore obviously not the best system we could have. And Austrians must therefore hold the view that capitalism is inherently bad. They are just filthy anti-capitalists like their opponents.
Now let’s expand on these points.

What is the major argument Austrians have against fractional reserve banking? The Rothbardians argue that fractional reserve banking is fraudulent because it supposedly involves two incompatible property claims to the same money “deposited” in a bank whenever one opens a demand deposit.

However, this is simply a blatant falsehood, because when you open a demand deposit, you utterly forfeit your property rights to the money and transfer the ownership rights in the money to the bank. The money becomes the bank’s property. All you get in return is an IOU or debt instrument, promising to repay the debt owed to you on demand. Therefore there are not two property claims to the same money: there is only one.

I cannot be bothered repeating all my refutations of every ignorant and absurd Austrian argument against fractional reserve banking, but you can read them here:
“Hayek’s Original View of Fractional Reserve Banking,” February 29, 2012.

“Fractional Reserve Banking, Option Clauses, and Government,” January 31, 2012.

“Are the Public Ignorant of the Nature of Fractional Reserve Banking?,” December 17, 2011.

“Why is the Fractional Reserve Account a Mutuum, not a Bailment?,” December 17, 2011.

“Callable Option Loans and Fractional Reserve Accounts,” December 16, 2011.

“Future Goods and Fractional Reserve Banking,” December 15, 2011.

“Rothbard on the Bill of Exchange,” December 11, 2011.

“Hoppe on Fractional Reserve Banking: A Critique,” December 11, 2011.

“Schumpeter on Fractional Reserve Banking,” June 12, 2011.

“If Fractional Reserve Banking is Fraudulent, Why isn’t the Insurance Industry Fraud?,” September 29, 2011.

“The Mutuum Contract in Anglo-American Law,” September 30, 2011.

“Rothbard Mangles the Legal History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” October 1, 2011.

“More Historical Evidence on the Mutuum Contract,” October 1, 2011.

“If Fractional Reserve Banking is Voluntary, Where is the Fraud?,” October 3, 2011.

“Huerta de Soto on the Mutuum Contract: A Critique,” August 11, 2012.

“A Simple Question for Opponents of Fractional Reserve Banking,” August 17, 2012.

“Chapter 1 of Huerta de Soto’s Money, Bank Credit and Economic Cycles: A Critique,” August 31, 2012.

“Huerta de Soto on Justinian’s Digest 16.3.25.1,” September 1, 2012.

“Huerta de Soto on Banking in Ancient Rome: A Critique,” September 2, 2012.

“A Critique of Rothbard on the History of English Bailment Law,” August 11, 2014.

“Fractional Reserve Banking is a Fundamental Part of Capitalism,” August 8, 2014.

“The Mutuum Contract in Henry de Bracton and English Law,” August 1, 2014.

“Coggs v. Bernard and the History of English Bailment Law,” July 31, 2014.

“A Critique of Murray Rothbard on the Origins and Legal Basis of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 30, 2014.

“Foley versus Hill and the History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 29, 2014

“Mutuum versus Bailment in Banking,” July 24, 2014.

“Carr versus Carr (1811) and the History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 23, 2014.

“Rothbard on ‘Deposit’ Banking: A Critique,” July 22, 2014.
Every stupid and ignorant Austrian argument is dealt with above, from Huerta de Soto’s unbelievable errors on banking and the mutuum contract in ancient Rome to Rothbard’s gross misunderstanding of the court case Carr versus Carr (1811).

When we get to the essence of the matter it is this: Rothbardians and their ignorant cult leader Rothbard tried to paint fractional reserve banking as an alien, unnatural and fraudulent addition to pure capitalism in its “garden of Eden” state, which was the reason for business cycles.

We can see this in Rothbard’s attempt to do just this in his book Economic Depressions: Their Cause and Cure, in the passage as follows:
“What, then, are the causes of periodic depressions? Must we always remain agnostic about the causes of booms and busts? Is it really true that business cycles are rooted deep within the free-market economy, and that therefore some form of government planning is needed if we wish to keep the economy within some kind of stable bounds? Do booms and then busts just simply happen, or does one phase of the cycle flow logically from the other?

The currently fashionable attitude toward the business cycle stems, actually, from Karl Marx. Marx saw that, before the Industrial Revolution in approximately the late 18th century, there were no regularly recurring booms and depressions. There would be a sudden economic crisis whenever some king made war or confiscated the property of his subject; but there was no sign of the peculiarly modern phenomena of general and fairly regular swings in business fortunes, of expansions and contractions. Since these cycles also appeared on the scene at about the same time as modern industry, Marx concluded that business cycles were an inherent feature of the capitalist market economy. All the various current schools of economic thought, regardless of their other differences and the different causes that they attribute to the cycle, agree on this vital point: that these business cycles originate somewhere deep within the free-market economy. The market economy is to blame. Karl Marx believed that the periodic depressions would get worse and worse, until the masses would be moved to revolt and destroy the system, while the modern economists believe that the government can successfully stabilize depressions and the cycle. But all parties agree that the fault lies deep within the market economy and that if anything can save the day, it must be some form of massive government intervention.” (Rothbard 2009 [1969]: 12–14).
Rothbard, of course, blamed “fraudulent” and “immoral” fractional reserve banking as well as central banks for the business cycle. As we have seen, he thought fractional reserve banking was some alien and anti-market addition to a pristine, wonderful and pure form of capitalism.

Rothbard was laughably wrong here. It is particularly absurd because it never seems to have occurred to Rothbard that the idea that the cause of business cycles lies within capitalism was actually a view of Hayek!

Hayek – to his credit – admitted that if one were to take his absurd business cycle theory seriously, we are stuck with the view that capitalism is inherently flawed and doomed to produce endless endogenous business cycles:
“we can … see how nonsensical it is to formulate the question of the causation of cyclical fluctuations in terms of ‘guilt,’ and to single out, e.g., the banks as those ‘guilty’ of causing fluctuations in economic development. Nobody has ever asked them to pursue a policy other than that which, as we have seen, gives rise to cyclical fluctuations; and it is not within their power to do away with such fluctuations, seeing that the latter originate not from their policy but from the very nature of the modern organization of credit. So long as we make use of bank credit as a means of furthering economic development we shall have to put up with the resulting trade cycles. They are, in a sense, the price we pay for a speed of development exceeding that which people would voluntarily make possible through their savings, and which therefore has to be extorted from them.” (Hayek 2008: 102).
According to the logic of the ABCT, since capitalism naturally has an endogenous/elastic money supply, not only from fractional reserve banking, but also from things as simple as bills of exchange and promissory notes, it will be hit by perpetual business cycles. Capitalism has an inherent and natural tendency to produce such destabilising cycles.

It is no surprise that, when Hayek was propounding his business cycle theory at the LSE in the 1930s, his theory was even attractive to socialists, as Skidelsky notes:
“Hayek, like Keynes, hoped to prevent a slump from developing by preventing the credit cycle from starting. But his method was very different. It was to forbid the banks to create credit, something which could be best achieved by adherence to a full gold standard. He was quite pessimistic, though, about this being practical politics, so his conclusion, like Keynes’s, was that a credit-money capitalist system is violently unstable – only with this difference, that nothing could be done about it. One can understand why Hayek’s doctrines attracted a certain kind of socialist: they seemed to reach Marx’s conclusions by a different route. Because of the Austrian school’s close attention to the institutional and political setting of a credit-money economy, Hayek’s picture of the capitalist system in action was altogether more sombre than that of conventional Anglo-Saxon economics, with its story of easy adjustments to ‘shocks.’” (Skidelsky 1992: 457).
In other words, Hayek’s theory in the 1930s was seen as a pessimistic criticism of capitalism as inherently flawed that naturally attracted people sympathetic to socialism – a point which splendidly confirms everything I have been arguing here.

Austrian economics has a profoundly anti-capitalist mentality, and they should admit this instead of denying the heart and soul of their theory, like the delusional idiot Rothbard.

So, to all Austrians everywhere, it seems to me you need to come out of the closet and embrace your inner and suppressed hatred of capitalism. I’m sure you’ll feel a lot better when you admit to being the filthy anti-capitalist you really are.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hayek, F. A. 2008. Prices and Production and Other Works: F. A. Hayek on Money, the Business Cycle, and the Gold Standard. Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Rothbard, M. 2009 [1969]. Economic Depressions: Their Cause and Cure. Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Skidelsky, R. J. A. 1992. John Maynard Keynes: The Economist as Saviour, 1920–1937 (vol. 2), Macmillan, London.

Further Reading
“Rothbard Shoots Himself in the Foot: Why the ABCT is Anti-Capitalist,” June 25, 2012.

Monday, October 5, 2015

The 1870s Economic Crisis in America: Reality versus Rothbard

It doesn’t matter how many times Rothbard’s view of the 1870s is refuted, Austrians and libertarians simply continue to shun reality and repeat Rothbard’s errors (such as here and here).

It can’t hurt to review the data.

First, industrial production. The best and most recent index of US industrial production in this era is Davis (2004) (see Hanes 2013: 121), which draws on many more industrial products and services than other, older indices.

The data from Davis shows that US industrial production contacted from 1873 to 1875, then had a modest recovery in 1876, but then stagnated in 1877:
US Industrial Index, 1870–1880
Index base is 1849–1850 = 100
Year | Index

1870 | 242.97
1871 | 255.29
1872 | 275.74
1873 | 302.17
1874 | 300.7
1875 | 284.2

1876 | 294.0
1877 | 297.8
1878 | 314.0
1879 | 356.4
1880 | 400.9
(Davis 2004: 1189).
Even in 1877 US industrial production remained below its 1873 peak. On the basis of this data, Davis argued that there was a recession in the US probably from 1873 to 1875. Strangely, the real GDP estimates in Balke and Gordon (1989) only show a recession in 1874 in this decade, but Davis’s data clearly are a much better guide to what was happening in the US industrial sector then Balke and Gordon’s work, and we should go with Davis.

The data on US industrial production are best seen in the graphs below.


As we can see in the graph above, the recession and stagnation in industrial production from 1873 to 1877 are clearly visible as compared with the ten years of growth both before and after this period.


We can also see that the serious take-off in the recovery of industrial production only happened from 1878.

It is evident, then, that something went badly wrong with US industrial production from 1873 to 1877, and this is confirmed by the unemployment estimates from this period from Vernon (1994).


As we see here, unemployment was rising from 1873 and kept on rising until 1878. That would strongly confirm that the US economy was in recession in these years or at the very least was stagnating (another point is that, on the basis of analysis of the 1890s and the likelihood that 19th century labour force participation rates were countercyclical in the sense of rising during recessions, there is at least a reasonable case that Vernon’s data seriously underestimates US unemployment in the 19th century, so that the real unemployment rate for the 1870s may have been considerably higher).

All in all, then, it is not possible to claim that the US economy was booming in these years.

Now compare the facts above with the ignorance of Murray Rothbard:
“Orthodox economic historians have long complained about the ‘great depression’ that is supposed to have struck the United States in the panic of 1873 and lasted for an unprecedented six years, until 1879. Much of the stagnation is supposed to have been caused by a monetary contraction leading to the resumption of specie payments in 1879. Yet what sort of ‘depression’ is it which saw an extraordinarily large expansion of industry, of railroads, of physical output, of net national product, or real per capita income? As Friedman and Schwartz admit, the decade from 1869 to 1879 saw a 3-percent per-annum increase in money national product, an outstanding real national product growth of 6.8 percent per year in this period, and a phenomenal rise of 4.5 percent per year in real product per capita. Even the alleged ‘monetary contraction’ never took place, the money supply increasing by 2.7 percent per year in this period. From 1873 through 1878, before another spurt of monetary expansion, the total supply of bank money rose from $1.964 billion to $2.221 billion—a rise of 13.1 percent or 2.6 percent per year. In short, a modest but definite rise, and scarcely a contraction.

It should be clear, then, that the ‘great depression’ of the 1870s is merely a myth—a myth brought about by misinterpretation of the fact that prices in general fell sharply during the entire period. Indeed they fell from the end of the Civil War until 1879. Friedman and Schwartz estimated that prices in general fell from 1869 to 1879 by 3.8 percent per annum. Unfortunately, most historians and economists are conditioned to believe that steadily and sharply falling prices must result in depression: hence their amazement at the obvious prosperity and economic growth during this era. For they have overlooked the fact that in the natural course of events, when government and the banking system do not increase the money supply very rapidly, free-market capitalism will result in an increase of production and economic growth so great as to swamp the increase of money supply. Prices will fall, and the consequences will be not depression or stagnation, but prosperity (since costs are falling, too) economic growth, and the spread of the increased living standard to all the consumers.” (Rothbard 2002: 154–155).
Rothbard makes the following claim about our relevant period:
“Yet what sort of ‘depression’ is it which saw an extraordinarily large expansion of industry, of railroads, of physical output, of net national product, or real per capita income.” (Rothbard 2002: 154–155).
Of course, if one wants to define “depression” as a fall in real GDP of 10% or more (a definition which I accept), then it is likely that the 1873 to 1879 period was not an era of depression. Rather, it was most likely a period of serious recession (where “recession” means a fall in real GDP of less than 10%) and then stagnation of industrial production and rising unemployment, and probably pessimistic business expectations leading to deficient investment.

Moreover, Rothbard is wrong on the following points:
(1) there was no large expansion of industry in this period: our best data shows industrial production was in recession from 1873 and then stagnated until 1877. Indeed for the 1870s as a whole there were 4 years in 1873, 1874, 1875 and 1877 when industrial production was in recession or essentially stagnating.

(2) if industrial production was in crisis, then it is very difficult to see how there could have been a “large expansion” of “physical output” or “net national product” in these years, despite the real GDP estimates of Balke and Gordon (1989: 84): they estimate that average real GDP growth from 1873 to 1877 was 2.8% (which in any case is far lower than Rothbard’s estimate). If real GDP was experiencing such growth rates, one must ask: which sectors were growing? Clearly the industrial sector was not.

(3) there was no “extraordinarily large expansion of … real per capita income” in the relevant period. Even if one accepts the estimates of Balke and Gordon (in Maddison 2006: 87–89) the average real per capita GDP growth rate from 1873–1879 and even from 1871–1880 was just 1.64%: one of the lowest growth rates of all time in relevant periods of economic and historical significance in US history.

(4) finally Rothbard never considered unemployment, which by one influential modern estimate by Vernon (1994) began rising from 1873 and kept on rising until 1878.
Our inescapable conclusion is that the Austrian claim – derived from Rothbard – that the 1870s were an uninterrupted era of “prosperity …[,] economic growth, and the spread of the increased living standards” is an outright historical travesty.

And while Rothbard might claim that he did the best with the data he had at the time (e.g., older and now discredited data from Friedman and Schwartz 1963), that is no excuse for modern Austrians repeating his false and flawed analysis today.

Further Links
“Rothbard on the US Economy in the 1870s: A Critique,” September 24, 2012.

“US Unemployment Graph, 1869–1899,” February 27, 2013.

“Huerta de Soto gets it Wrong on the Gold Standard,” December 20, 2014.

“Libertarian Gold Standard Myths Never Die,” January 13, 2015.

“Real US GDP 1870–2001,” January 13, 2015.

“US Real Per Capita GDP from 1870–2001,” September 24, 2012.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Balke, N. S., and R. J. Gordon, 1989. “The Estimation of Prewar Gross National Product: Methodology and New Evidence,” Journal of Political Economy 97.1: 38–92.

Davis, Joseph H. 2004. “An Annual Index of U. S. Industrial Production, 1790-1915,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 119.4: 1177–1215.

Davis, Joseph H. 2006. “An Improved Annual Chronology of U.S. Business Cycles since the 1790s,” Journal of Economic History 66.1: 103–121.

Friedman, M. and A. J. Schwartz, 1963. A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Hanes, Christopher. 2013. “Business Cycles,” in Robert Whaples and Randall E. Parker (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Modern Economic History. Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon and New York. 116–135.

Maddison, Angus. 2003. The World Economy: Historical Statistics. OECD Publishing, Paris.

Newman, Patrick. 2014. “The Depression of 1873–1879: An Austrian Perspective,” Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics17.4: 474–509.
https://mises.org/library/depression-1873%E2%80%931879-austrian-perspective

Rothbard, Murray N. 2002. A History of Money and Banking in the United States. Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Vernon, J. R. 1994. “Unemployment Rates in Post-Bellum America: 1869–1899,” Journal of Macroeconomics 16: 701–714.

Saturday, March 28, 2015

Marx’s Labour Theory of Value and Rothbard’s Homesteading Property-Rights Theory: Peas in a Pod

Marx in the first volume of Capital makes it quite clear that human labour is the sole, fundamental source of value:
“But the value of a commodity represents human labour pure and simple, the expenditure of human labour in general. And just as, in civil society, a general or a banker plays a great part but man as such plays a very mean part, so, here too, the same is true of human labour. It is the expenditure of simple labour-power, i.e. of the labour-power possessed in his bodily organism by every ordinary man, on the average, without being developed in any special way. Simple average labour, it is true, varies in character in different countries and at different cultural epochs, but in a particular society it is given; More complex labour counts only as intensified, or rather multiplied simple labour, so that a smaller quantity of complex labour is considered equal to a larger quantity of simple labour. Experience shows that this reduction is constantly being made. A commodity may be the outcome of the most complicated labour, but through its value it is posited as equal to the product of simple labour, hence it represents only a specific quantity of simple labour.” (Marx 1982: 135).

“Let us now look at the residue of the products of labour. There is nothing left of them in each case but the same phantom-like objectivity; they are merely congealed quantities of homogeneous human labour, i.e. of human labour-power expended without regard to the form of its expenditure.” (Marx 1982: 128).

“Human labour-power in its fluid state, or human labour, creates value, but is not itself value.” (Marx 1982: 142).

“We know that the value of each commodity is determined by the quantity of labour materialized in its use-value, by the labour-time socially necessary to produce it.” (Marx 1982: 293).
This is how Marx is conventionally interpreted too: that economic value is created only and solely by human labour.

Also, for Marx, there is a mystical element to labour value that manifests itself in the goods produced:
“A use-value, or useful article, therefore, has value only because abstract human labour is objectified [vergegenständlicht] or materialized in it.” (Marx 1982: 129).
Elsewhere, Marx speaks of the value of all goods as “merely congealed quantities of homogeneous labour” (Marx 1982: 135–136).

Since workers have created the value in commodities and indeed the commodities themselves appear to be materialised human labour, capitalists exploit them by robbing them of it. Everyone is familiar with this Marxist idea.

But look at how absurd its foundation is. It makes sense to say that labour produces commodities that are useful or that create subjective utility. Labour is an act or activity. Commodities are the product of labour. It makes no sense to say that labour is somehow magically transferred into commodities and “objectified” or “materialised” in them. This is so blatantly like a religious statement, it’s embarrassing. It’s like the opening of the Gospel of John: “In the beginning was the Word , and …. The Word became flesh” (John 1:1, 1:14). In Marx, human labour is “incarnated” in commodities. We are dealing with mysticism here.

Next, let us look at Rothbard’s justification for absolute ownership of external objects or external property rights by homesteading:
“Let us take, as our first example, a sculptor fashioning a work of art out of clay and other materials; and let us waive, for the moment, the question of original property rights in the clay and the sculptor’s tools. The question then becomes: Who owns the work of art as it emerges from the sculptor’s fashioning? It is, in fact, the sculptor’s ‘creation,’ not in the sense that he has created matter, but in the sense that he has transformed nature-given matter—the clay—into another form dictated by his own ideas and fashioned by his own hands and energy. Surely, it is a rare person who, with the case put thus, would say that the sculptor does not have the property right in his own product. Surely, if every man has the right to own his own body, and if he must grapple with the material objects of the world in order to survive, then the sculptor has the right to own the product he has made, by his energy and effort, a veritable extension of his own personality. He has placed the stamp of his person upon the raw material, by ‘mixing his labor’ with the clay, in the phrase of the great property theorist John Locke.” (Rothbard 2006 [1973]: 36–39).

“Put this starkly, there are very few people who would deny the monstrous injustice in either a group or the world community seizing ownership of the sculpture. For the sculptor has in fact ‘created’ this work of art — not of course in the sense that he has created matter, but that he has produced it by transforming nature-given matter (the clay) into another form in accordance with his own ideas and his own labor and energy. Surely, if every man has the right to own his own body and if he must use and transform material natural objects in order to survive, then he has the right to own the product that he has made, by his energy and effort, into a veritable extension of his own personality. Such is the case of the sculptor, who has placed the stamp of his own person on the raw material, by ‘mixing his labor’ with the clay. But if the sculptor has done so, then so has every producer who has ‘homesteaded’ or mixed his labor with the objects of nature.” (Rothbard 2002: 48).
The mysticism in Rothbard’s homesteading property rights argument lies in the idea that homesteading involves “mixing your labour” with some materials or land and the result is a “veritable extension” of your “own personality” such that some mysterious, universal, absolute cosmic right to property is created. This argument is plainly unsound, untrue and reeks of mysticism.

For Rothbard, labour on materials by a person involves “mixing of labour” with objects and makes the goods produced “a veritable extension of his own personality,” while for Marx the “abstract human labour [sc. by workers] is objectified or materialized” in commodities produced. In both cases, the people who produce goods have some kind of mystical or natural right to the goods produced or their value.

The Marxist labour theory of value and of worker exploitation is the mirror image of the Rothbardian notion of absolute property rights by homesteading. They are two sides of the same coin, but the coin is the same quasi-religious nonsense.

Perhaps Marxists and Rothbardians should put aside their differences and join together in one economic school. After all, the classical Marxists’ ultimate aim is a stateless, utopian paradise, and Rothbardians want the same thing. They just have to put aside their differences on how to get there.

We could call the new faith “Marxbardianism” – and at the same time it would save us all the trouble of having to refute the Marxists and Rothbardians separately in their two mirror image schools.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Marx, Karl. 1982. Capital. Volume One. A Critique of Political Economy (trans. Ben Fowkes). Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, England.

Rothbard, M. N. 2002. The Ethics of Liberty. New York University Press, New York, N.Y. and London.

Rothbard, M. N. 2006 [1973]. For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto (rev. edn), Ludwig von Mises Institute.

Sunday, December 28, 2014

Rothbard on the Recovery from the US Recession of 1920–1921

Rothbard’s comments are interesting because what he said seems to have been forgotten by modern Austrians:
“As early as 1915 and 1916, various Board Governors had urged banks to discount from the Federal Reserve and extend credit, and Comptroller John Skelton Williams urged farmers to borrow and hold their crops for a higher price. This policy was continued in full force after the war. The inflation of the 1920s began, in fact, with an announcement by the Federal Reserve Board (FRB) in July, 1921, that it would extend further credits for harvesting and marketing in whatever amounts were legitimately required. And, beginning in 1921, Secretary of Treasury Andrew Mellon was privately urging the Fed that business be stimulated, and discount rates reduced; the records indicate that his advice was heeded to the full.” (Rothbard 2008: 121).
Rothbard refers here to Federal Reserve discount rate policy. At the beginning of 1921 the discount rates of the Federal Reserve banks were either 6% or 7% (data in Discount Rates of the Federal Reserve Banks 1914–1921, 1922). In May, a number of regional Federal Reserve banks began lowering discount rates from 7% to 6.5%. Then in July a number of rates were cut from 6% to 5.5%, and to 4.5% to 5% by the end of the year. The recovery from the recession is usually dated to July 1921, so that first discount rate cuts did indeed precede the recovery.

The libertarians claim that these rate cuts did not necessarily create loose monetary policy or easy money, but most probably the rate cuts beginning in May 1921 had a great influence on the economy by way of expectations and business confidence: first, by signalling that the punishingly high discount rate policy had come to an end, and secondly by helping to create confidence and expectations of continuing rate cuts and looser monetary policy in the future, as indeed did happen.

Then Rothbard refers to the open market operations of late 1921 to 1922:
“Member bank reserves increased during the 1920s largely in three great surges—one in 1922, one in 1924, and the third in the latter half of 1927. In each of these surges, Federal Reserve purchases of government securities played a leading role. ‘Open-market’ purchases and sales of government securities only emerged as a crucial factor in Federal Reserve monetary control during the 1920s. The process began when the Federal Reserve tripled its stock of government securities from November, 1921, to June, 1922 (its holdings totaling $193 million at the end of October, and $603 million at the end of the following May). It did so not to make money easier and inflate the money supply, these relationships being little understood at the time, but simply in order to add to Federal Reserve earnings. The inflationary result of these purchases came as an unexpected consequence. It was a lesson that was appreciatively learned and used from then on.

If the Reserve authorities had been innocent of the consequences of their inflationary polity in 1922, they were not innocent of intent. For there is every evidence that the inflationary result was most welcome to the Federal Reserve. Inflation seemed justified as a means of promoting recovery from the 1920–1921 slump, to increase production and relieve unemployment.
Governor Adolph Miller, of the Federal Reserve Board, who staunchly opposed the later inflationary policies, defended the 1922 inflation in Congressional hearings. Typical of Federal Reserve opinion at this time was the subsequent apologia of Professor Reed, who complacently wrote that bank credit ‘was being productively employed and that goods were being prepared for the consumer at least as rapidly as his money income was expanding.’” (Rothbard 2008: 133–134).
Yet the modern libertarian spin on the recovery of 1921 is now that the monetary policy had no significant role in inducing a recovery. How times change.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Discount Rates of the Federal Reserve Banks 1914–1921, Government Printing Office, 1922.

Rothbard, Murray Newton. 2008. America’s Great Depression (5th edn.). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Wednesday, November 5, 2014

Rothbard on the Natural Rate

A succinct statement here, even though Rothbard does not use the expression “natural rate”:
“The willingness of the firm’s owners to pay a fixed-interest return to lenders is, of course, a function of their anticipated profit in selling the product to the consumers. Willingness to pay interest will always be less than or equal to the anticipated profit rate; and in the long-run general-equilibrium world of changeless certainty—a world that has never and can never come into existence—the rate of return would be equal throughout the market economy. In that world, the rate of profit in every firm would be equal to the rate of interest on loans.” (Rothbard 2011: 451).
This is very much a version of the Wicksellian monetary equilibrium approach, where the “rate of return” in long-run general-equilibrium is equal to one version of Wicksell’s natural rate, and in turn the rate of return on capital is equal to the rate of interest.

Rothbard notes that only in “long-run general-equilibrium” can the rate of return be uniform: consequently it follows from this that only in such an equilibrium can there be a single natural rate.

Yet, despite this, Rothbard just blathers on about the single “natural rate” when he discusses the Austrian business cycle theory (ABCT) (Rothbard 2009: 794, 1003–1004), and sees no contradiction when he bases the whole ABCT on the idea of central banks and credit expansion driving the money rate below the single natural rate. If nothing else, this proves how incoherent and intellectually incompetent Rothbard’s version of the ABCT was, just as the earlier versions of Hayek and Mises.

At one point Rothbard (2009: 1003, 112) even claims his version of the “natural rate” is different from Wicksell’s, but he seems ignorant of the fact that Wicksell had two definitions of the “natural rate,” and Wicksell did sometimes define it as the “expected yield on the newly created capital” (Wicksell 1935: 192–193) or the long-run “profit on capital” (Wicksell 1907: 214).

Further Reading
“Another Example of Wicksell’s Second Definition of the Natural Rate of Interest,” October 8, 2014.

“How did Wicksell, the early Austrians and Keynes define the Natural Rate of Interest?,” October 4, 2014.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rothbard, M. N. 2009. Man, Economy, and State with Power and Market: The Scholar’s Edition (2nd edn.). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Rothbard, M. N. 2011. Economic Controversies. Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Wicksell, K. 1907. “The Influence of the Rate of Interest on Prices,” The Economic Journal 17.66: 213–220.

Wicksell, K. 1935. Lectures on Political Economy. Volume 2: Money (trans. E. Classen). Routledge & Kegan Paul, London.

Monday, August 11, 2014

A Critique of Rothbard on the History of English Bailment Law

In this post by the author of the “Economicreflections” blog:
“The Legal Nature of the Relationship between Banker and Customer in old English Law (2),” Economicreflections, 10 August, 2014.
This is another excellent post, and the first one can be read here.

In this new post, the author shows that, although there were some confusions, nevertheless Rothbard’s idea that in England “bailment law scarcely existed until the eighteenth century” (Rothbard 2008: 89) cannot be taken seriously.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rothbard, Murray N. 2008. The Mystery of Banking (2nd edn.). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Friday, August 8, 2014

Fractional Reserve Banking is a Fundamental Part of Capitalism

Updated

This is true, despite the ignorant views of Austrians, such as this:
Frank Hollenbeck, “Confusing Capitalism with Fractional Reserve Banking,” Mises Daily, August 6, 2014.
Consider this Austrian “history” of banking:
“Most, if not all, booms and busts originate with excess credit creation from the financial sector. These respondents, incorrectly, assume that this financial system structured on fractural reserve banking is an integral part of capitalism. It isn’t. It is fraud and a violation of property rights, and should be treated as such.

In the past, we had deposit banks and loan banks. If you put your money in a deposit bank, the money was there to pay your rent and food expenses. It was safe. Loan banking was risky. You provided money to a loan bank knowing funds would be tied up for a period of time and that you were taking a risk of never seeing this money again. For this, you received interest to compensate for the risk taken and the value of time preference. Back then, bankers who took a deposit and turned it into a loan took the risk of shortly hanging from the town’s large oak tree.

During the early part of the nineteenth century, the deposit function and loan function were merged into a new entity called a commercial bank.”
Frank Hollenbeck, “Confusing Capitalism with Fractional Reserve Banking,” Mises Daily, August 6, 2014.
There is very little evidence to support these assertions.

First of all, throughout Western civilisation the essence of banking has always been the mutuum contract, not the bailment (or depositum regulare).

There is very little evidence that, when banks arose either in the ancient world or the Middle ages and early modern period, their main activity was mere bailment, and that they had to steal their depositors’ money to engage in lending.

On the contrary, the bankers always had recourse to the mutuum contract, where money is lent to a banker and the money becomes the banker’s property. The client of the banker gets an IOU in return and the debt can be recalled (1) on demand, (2) in stipulated payments, or (3) on a certain date (as in a fixed term loan).

The free banker George Selgin has demonstrated that Rothbard’s view of the origin of fractional reserve banking in Britain under the goldsmiths cannot be accepted as true (Selgin 2011).

Two major pieces of evidence that even these early English goldsmiths were mostly engaged in mutuum lending are that (1) they paid interest and (2) the earliest British goldsmiths’ notes are IOUs or negotiable debt instruments payable on demand (Selgin 2011: 11), which explicitly demonstrates to us that these were debt records and the underlying contract a mutuum, not bailment.

For example, if we turn to Henry Dunning Macleod, one of the outstanding historians of banking in Great Britain, we find that this is exactly how he explains the origin of banking under the London goldsmiths:
“It was during the great civil war, as we have already explained, that the goldsmiths of London first began to receive the cash of the merchants and country gentlemen for safe custody, on condition of repaying an equal sum on demand, and to discount bills of exchange with their own promissory notes; that commenced the business of banking. Now, this money was not placed in their hands to be locked away in their cellars, as plate and jewelry are often given into the custody of a banker for mere safe custody as a depositum, and to be restored in specie. The money was sold to the banker to become his actual property, according to the well-understood custom of bankers; that is, it was a mutuum or creditum; and was to be restored only in genere. The goldsmith bankers agreed not only to repay the money on demand, but also to pay six per cent, interest upon it. Consequently, in order to make a profit, they were obliged to trade with it.” (Macleod, in Macleod et al. 1896: 203).
Although there were “banks of deposit” in mainland Europe in the early modern era (although even here it is not straightforwardly clear whether the relation between client and banker was a strict bailment: Macleod, in Macleod et al. 1896: 201–202), the idea that modern banking only emerged because “deposit bankers” who simply held money as a bailment had to steal their clients’ funds has little evidence to support it.

Nor is this true:
“During the early part of the nineteenth century, the deposit function and loan function were merged into a new entity called a commercial bank. Of course, very quickly these new commercial banks realized they could dip into deposits, essentially committing fraud, as a source of funding for loans. Governments soon realized that such fraudulent activity was a great way to finance government expenditures, and passed laws making this fraud legal. A key interpretation of law in the United Kingdom, Foley v. Hill, set precedence in the financial world for banking laws to follow …”
Frank Hollenbeck, “Confusing Capitalism with Fractional Reserve Banking,” Mises Daily, August 6, 2014.
In reality, commercial banking by means of mutuum lending had been known and conducted since Roman times (see Andreau 1999: 40–41; Reden 2007: 286–290; Harris 2006: 10–12; Harris 2011: 236; Verboven 2009: 116–117).

The Austrians’ false belief that in the 19th century the “deposit function and loan function were merged into a new entity called a commercial bank” is derived from an ignorant and shoddy reading of legal history by Murray Rothbard. Rothbard thought the Carr v. Carr and Foley v. Hill cases in England legalised theft by banks of depositors’ bailments.

But neither of these cases set any such “precedent” imagined by Austrians.

In fact, in Foley v. Hill the primary issue was the relevance of the “statute of limitations” to the defence of the defendants in the case, not whether the relationship between banker and client was a debt–credit relation.

Of course, although Foley v. Hill confirmed that it was a debt–credit relation, this was not some innovation.

Finally, nor did Carr v. Carr set the precedent Austrians allege.

In Carr v. Carr, the issue was whether a mutuum contract could be changed into a bailment contract simply because the bank client wanted to interpret it so at the time he made a will.

What totally destroys the Austrian reading of Carr v. Carr is that even the lawyers Hart and Wetherell, acting for the defendant, admitted that, strictly speaking, the cash balance at the bank was legally a debt, and not a bailment.

Far from being some “fraud” or unnatural system grafted onto capitalism, fractional reserve banking is a fundamental part of capitalism, and the Austrian view of it is a travesty both history and economics.

Further Reading
“Mutuum versus Bailment in Banking,” July 24, 2014.

“Rothbard on ‘Deposit’ Banking: A Critique,” July 22, 2014.

“Carr versus Carr (1811) and the History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 23, 2014.

“Foley versus Hill and the History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 29, 2014.

“A Critique of Murray Rothbard on the Origins and Legal Basis of Fractional Reserve Banking,” July 30, 2014.

“Coggs v. Bernard and the History of English Bailment Law,” July 31, 2014.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andreau, J. 1999. Banking and Business in the Roman World (trans. J. Lloyd). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York.

Harris, William V. 2006. “A Revisionist View of Roman Money,” Journal of Roman Studies 96: 1–24.

Harris, William V. 2011. Rome’s Imperial Economy. Twelve Essays. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Macleod, Henry Dunning, Horn, Antoine E. and John P. Townsend. 1896. A History of Banking in all the Leading Nations (vol. 2). Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin, New York.

Reden, Sitta von. 2007. Money in Ptolemaic Egypt: From the Macedonian Conquest to the End of the Third Century BC. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Reden, Sitta. 2012. “Money and Finance,” in Walter Scheidel (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 266–286.

Selgin, G. “Those Dishonest Goldsmiths,” revised January 20, 2011
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1589709

Verboven, K. 2009. “Currency, Bullion and Accounts Monetary Modes in the Roman World,” Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Numismatiek en Zegelkunde / Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie155: 91–121.

Wednesday, July 23, 2014

Carr versus Carr (1811) and the History of Fractional Reserve Banking

Updated

Carr versus Carr was a case heard in the British Court of Chancery on November 30, 1811, and related to the legal status of a “deposit” of money at a bank that had been made by a testator who had died.

Unfortunately, the details of this case and its significance are subject to gross distortion and misunderstanding by anti-fractional reserve banking libertarians and Austrians (Rothbard 1994: 41; Rothbard 2008: 91–92; Huerta de Soto 2012: 125, n. 10). Their interpretations of it – and the history of fractional reserve banking – are mostly a product of their ignorance and lurid imaginations.

Here are some basic details of the case:
Carr vs. Carr
Date: November 30, 1811.

The Judge (acting as Master of the Rolls): Sir William Grant (who held the office from 1801 to 1817).

The Testator: a man who bequeathed to the plaintiff “whatever debts might be due to him (the Testator) from the Plaintiff or others, at the time of his death.” The Testator then gave the residue of his personal estate to the Defendant.

Defendant: Carr. The defendant argued that the bank balance was not a debt due to the plaintiff.

Plaintiff: Carr. He went to court to defend his right to the bank balance as due to him as a debt owed by the bank to the testator, and which was now rightfully his by the provision of the will.

Lawyers for the Plaintiff: Sir S. Romilly and Bell.

Lawyers for the Defendant: Hart and Wetherell.
First, let us look at the complete record of the case as recorded in John Herman Merivale’s Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the High Court of Chancery: Commencing in Michaelmas Term, 1815. Vol. 1. 1815–1816 (1817):
[p. 541] ....
“CARR v. CARR, Rolls, Nov. 30, 1811
The Testator bequeathed to the Plaintiff ‘whatever debts might be due to him (the Testator) from the Plaintiff or others, at the time of his death;’ and gave the residue of his personal estate to the Defendant.

Besides other debts due to the Testator at the time of his death, his bankers had in their hands a bill of exchange, drawn by the Plaintiff, and made payable to the Testator, which had been so drawn on account of a debt then due from the Plaintiff to the Testator, and which had not yet become payable. The Testator had also a cash balance due to him on his banker’s account. The questions were, Whether this [p. 542] bill of exchange, and the said cash balance, or either of them, passed to the Plaintiff by the above bequest.

Sir S. Romilly and Bell, for the Plaintiff, (a)
Contended that they clearly passed; that they were choses in action [sc. intangible property or rights that can be enforced by legal action in a court of law – LK], and could only be recovered by action, and therefore must be considered as debts.

Hart and Wetherell for the Defendant,
Submitted that the bill of exchange, under these circumstances, most be considered as having been delivered to the bankers by the Testator as money, and that it was therefore to be considered as if in his own possession. And, as so the cash balance, they contended that this could not be considered as a debt in the contemplation of the Testator; that, though, strictly speaking, a debt, yet it was, in the common opinion of mankind, considered as money deposited with the banker; that in construction of Wills, words ought not to be taken according to their strict legal meaning, but according to the intention of the Testator; and that, in this case, the Testator could not have conceited it to be a debt.

Sir S. Romilly in reply.
This is clearly a debt; it might be proved under a commission of bankrupt; or a commission might be taken out upon it; It would not pass under a bequest of all the Testator’s ready money, and therefore must clearly pass as a debt.

(a) The arguments and judgment, Ex relatione.

[p. 543]....
The Master of the Rolls
Was clear that the bill of exchange passed. He had entertained some doubt on the other point; but thought that the money which had been paid into the banker’s ought also to pass as a debt. This was not a depositum. A sealed bag of money might, indeed, be a depositum; but money paid in, generally, to a banker could not be so considered. He observed, that money had no ear-mark; that, when money is paid into a banker’s, he always opens a debtor and creditor account with the payor; The banker employs the money himself, and is liable merely to answer the drafts of his customer to that amount. This would clearly support a commission of bankrupt; it would not pass by the description of ready money; and, therefore, it must be considered as a debt, and must pass by that description.

The Plaintiff was accordingly declared entitled to the debt due on the bill of exchange, with interest from the time the same became payable; and to the balance of cash at the banker’s, with interest from the Testator’s death; and also to the several other debts which were due and owing by him and others to the Testator at the time of his death. And it was ordered that the defendant should join with the Plaintiff in enabling him to receive what debts were due to the Testator at the time of his death, other than those already received by the defendant.—Costs for Plaintiff.” (Merivale 1817: 541–543).
Before we move to an interpretation of the case, let us look at Rothbard’s description of it:
“But, it might be asked, what about the severe legal penalties for embezzlement? Isn’t the threat of criminal charges and a jail term enough to deter all but the most dedicated warehouse embezzlers? Perhaps, except for the critical fact that bailment law scarcely existed until the eighteenth century. It was only by the twentieth century that the courts finally decided that the grain warehouseman was truly a bailee and not simply a debtor.” (Rothbard 2008: 89).

“Why, then, were the banks and goldsmiths not cracked down on as defrauders and embezzlers? Because deposit banking law was in even worse shape than overall warehouse law and moved in the opposite direction to declare money deposits not a bailment but a debt.

Thus, in England, the goldsmiths, and the deposit banks which developed subsequently, boldly printed counterfeit warehouse receipts, confident that the law would not deal harshly with them. Oddly enough, no one tested the matter in the courts during the late seventeenth or eighteenth centuries. The first fateful case was decided in 1811, in Carr v. Carr. The court had to decide whether the term ‘debts’ mentioned in a will included a cash balance in a bank deposit account. Unfortunately, Master of the Rolls Sir William Grant ruled that it did. Grant maintained that since the money had been paid generally into the bank, and was not earmarked in a sealed bag, it had become a loan rather than a bailment.” (Rothbard 2008: 91–92).
The idea that “bailment law scarcely existed until the eighteenth century” and “deposit banking law was in even worse shape than overall warehouse law” in Europe or the UK is an utter travesty of legal history, as can been seen in the last post.

Rothbard thinks that Sir William Grant in Carr versus Carr made some unprecedented ruling that legalised the “fraud” of goldsmiths and deposit bankers. This is, again, false.

A reading of the case shows that the fundamental point is that even the lawyers Hart and Wetherell, acting for the defendant, admitted that, strictly speaking, the cash balance at the bank was legally a debt, and not a bailment:
Hart and Wetherell for the Defendant,
Submitted that the bill of exchange, under these circumstances, most be considered as having been delivered to the bankers by the Testator as money, and that it was therefore to be considered as if in his own possession. And, as so the cash balance, they contended that this could not be considered as a debt in the contemplation of the Testator; that, though, strictly speaking, a debt, yet it was, in the common opinion of mankind, considered as money deposited with the banker; that in construction of Wills, words ought not to be taken according to their strict legal meaning, but according to the intention of the Testator; and that, in this case, the Testator could not have conceited it to be a debt. (Merivale 1817: 542).
That is, the lawyers acting for the defendant conceded that the law already understood this money balance as a debt (or mutuum), but they argued that the Testator at the time he wrote the will considered it a bailment. Whether the Testator really did think this is an open question, but even if he did this was most probably a mistaken and erroneous view on his part. The nature of the contract will probably have been a mutuum loan to the bank, a traditional and ancient legal contract that had been used by bankers for centuries and centuries – in fact all the way back to ancient Rome.

The lawyers acting for the defendant also exploited the “common opinion of mankind”: the mistaken belief that many people have that they continue to own the money they “deposit” at a bank. But this misunderstanding does not prove that the original contract really was a bailment (depositum regulare), or that fractional reserve banking had arisen by fraud in the UK.

The point above is enough to damn the whole libertarian interpretation of the case. If it was already admitted that the bank balance was legally a debt by lawyers acting for the defendant, then this strongly suggests that fractional reserve banking was already normally interpreted legally as a mutuum contract, not as a bailment.

The ruling of the judge was as follows:
“The Master of the Rolls
Was clear that the bill of exchange passed. He had entertained some doubt on the other point; but thought that the money which had been paid into the banker’s ought also to pass as a debt. This was not a depositum. A sealed bag of money might, indeed, be a depositum; but money paid in, generally, to a banker could not be so considered. He observed, that money had no ear-mark; that, when money is paid into a banker’s, he always opens a debtor and creditor account with the payor; The banker employs the money himself, and is liable merely to answer the drafts of his customer to that amount. This would clearly support a commission of bankrupt; it would not pass by the description of ready money; and, therefore, it must be considered as a debt, and must pass by that description.” (Merivale 1817: 543).
When the judge/Master of the Rolls Sir William Grant gave this ruling, he was not inventing some new legal principle, but drawing on centuries of legal tradition and banking practice.

First let us consider this:
“This was not a depositum. A sealed bag of money might, indeed, be a depositum; but money paid in, generally, to a banker could not be so considered. He observed, that money had no ear-mark; that, when money is paid into a banker’s, he always opens a debtor and creditor account with the payor;” (Merivale 1817: 543).
The principle of distinguishing a bailment from a mutuum by handing over money sealed in a bag or box was an ancient tradition and already well known in the common law and civil law traditions of European nations.

The principle was this: money delivered to a banker without being sealed in a bag, sack or box was a mutuum loan to the banker (and not a bailment). This goes right back to ancient Roman law and banking practice (Reden 2012: 281). In the emperor Justinian’s Digest 19.2.31, this authoritative statement of Roman law tells us quite clearly that when money was left unsealed with someone (and implicitly even a banker) it was not a bailment, but a mutuum:
idem iuris esse in deposito: nam si quis pecuniam numeratam ita deposuisset, ut neque clusam neque obsignatam traderet, sed adnumeraret, nihil alius eum debere apud quem deposita esset, nisi tantundem pecuniae solveret.

“The same rule of law applies to deposits, for where a party has deposited a sum of money without having enclosed it in anything, or sealed it up, but simply after counting it, the party with whom it is left is not bound to do anything but repay the same amount of money [tantundem]” (Digest 19.2.31; trans. from Scott 1932).
Alternatively, if a person brought money to a banker sealed or enclosed in a bag or box, then the money became a bailment (or depositum regulare) and could not be used by the banker.

Sir William Grant, then, drew on previously established banking practice and legal tradition: he observed that the original money given to the banker by the testator had been unsealed in any bag or box (the “money had no ear-mark”), and consequently had to be considered a mutuum, not a bailment. His ruling that the money was not a bailment follows logically from his fact, and was not some radical, unprecedented ruling.

All in all, this case simply does not support the Rothbardian interpretation of it, and does not provide any evidence that fractional reserve banking arose essentially from fraud by goldsmiths as they stole gold or silver that had been left with them as bailments.

In reality, from the beginning, medieval and early modern European fractional reserve banking had a perfectly good legal basis in the mutuum contract: this was well defined in English law by the 18th century and almost certainly even earlier. Thomas Wood (1661–1722), an English Doctor of Civil Law (New College, Oxford) and eminent jurist, wrote the leading work on English law in the 18th century. In the 4th edition of A New Institute of the Imperial or Civil Law (1730; 1st edn. 1704), we have this definition of the mutuum:
“Mutuum (a Loan simply so call’d quod de meo tuum fiat [sc. “because let what is mine become yours”])

It hath no one particular name in the English Language.

is a Contract introduced by the Law of Nations, in which a Thing that consists in weight (as Bullion,) in number (as Money,) in measure (as Wine,) is given to another upon condition that he shall return another thing of the same Quantity, Nature and Value upon demand. More than Consent is required, for the Thing, viz. Money, Wine, or Oil ought to be actually delivered, and more than what was delivered cannot be repaid; but less may be repaid by Agreement. This Contract forces men to be industrious and promotes Trade, and for this reason it may be greater charity to lend than to give. Creditum is a more general Word. In the case of Money, Silver may be repaid tor Gold, unless the Creditor is to be damnified by it; for it shall be understood to be the same kind of Money when it is of the same” (Wood 1730: 212).
Even earlier the definition of mutuum in the Lexicon Technicum: or, An Universal English Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1723; 2nd edn.) was as follows:
MUTUUM, in the Civil Law, is a Loan simply so called; or a Contract introduced by the Law of Nations, in which a Thing that consists in Weight, (as suppose Bullion) in Number, as Money: or in Measure, as Corn, Wine, Oil, &c. is given to another upon Condition that he shall return another Thing of the same Quantity, Nature, and Value, upon Demand. So that this is a Contract without Reward, and admits, properly speaking, of no Recompence. And therefore where Use and Interest is agreed on, they arise from some distinct particular Argument, or by Custom of the Country. (s.v. “mutuum”).
Carr versus Carr affirmed that conventional bank accounts were mutuum contracts of this type, and the case also suggests that British fractional reserve banking was normally being conducted under the mutuum contract.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harris, John. 1723. Lexicon Technicum: or, An Universal English Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (vol. 2; 2nd edn.). D. Brown, J. Walthoe et al., London.

Huerta de Soto, Jesús. 2012. Money, Bank Credit, and Economic Cycles (3rd edn.; trans. M. A. Stroup). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala. p. 429, n. 28.

Merivale, John Herman. 1817. Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the High Court of Chancery: Commencing in Michaelmas Term, 1815. Vol. 1. 1815–1816. J. Butterworth and Son, London; J. Cooke, Ormond Quay, Dublin.

Reden, Sitta. 2012. “Money and Finance,” in Walter Scheidel (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 266–286.

Rothbard, Murray N. 1994. The Case Against the Fed. Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Rothbard, Murray N. 2008. The Mystery of Banking (2nd edn.). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Scott, S. P. 1932. The Civil Law. Central Trust Co., Cincinnati.

Unknown. 1853. “Leading Cases in Banking Law,” The Bankers’ Magazine, and Journal of the Money Market (vol. 13) April. 275–281.

Wood, Thomas. 1730. A New Institute of the Imperial or Civil Law (4th edn.). J. and J. Knapton, London.

Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Rothbard on “Deposit” Banking: A Critique

Rothbard’s The Mystery of Banking (2008; 2nd edn.) is one of the popular Austrian screeds against fractional reserve banking.

It suffers from many defects, not least of all an astonishingly ignorant and poor understanding of the legal basis, and history, of banking.

In chapter VI, Rothbard (2008: 75–84) engages in a thought experiment to illustrate what he calls “loan banking”: he imagines a “Rothbard Bank” which simply takes money, and then loans that money out with a strict date set for repayment.

This is a simple model of a financial intermediary giving loans of money analogous to a time deposit or term deposit, where demand deposits do not exist and where the IOUs of the bank or borrowers are never monetised.

Rothbard’s ideal and imaginary “pure” loan banking which does not expand the money supply is not applicable to anything but the most primitive form of capitalist economy.

In reality, most banks in any sophisticated enough economy are engaged in borrowing money themselves from clients/depositors either as (1) a callable mutuum loan or (2) a mutuum loan with a maturity date. Banks grant credit and create broad money by issuing IOUs, either banknotes or demand deposits, to clients/depositors and these IOUs become used in the community as credit money.

Rothbard’s thesis is that originally banking was some “pure” form of “loan banking” which never created new money nor expanded the money supply, but was only corrupted later when goldsmiths fraudulently lent out the gold or silver that was supposedly deposited with them as a bailment (or depositum regulare):
“If loan banking was a way of channeling savings into productive loans to earn interest, deposit banking arose to serve the convenience of the holders of gold and silver. Owners of gold bullion did not wish to keep it at home or office and suffer the risk of theft; far better to store the gold in a safe place. Similarly, holders of gold coin found the metal often heavy and inconvenient to carry, and needed a place for safekeeping. These deposit banks functioned very much as safe-deposit boxes do today: as safe ‘money warehouses.’ As in the case of any warehouse, the depositor placed his goods on deposit or in trust at the warehouse, and in return received a ticket (or warehouse receipt) stating that he could redeem his goods whenever he presented the ticket at the warehouse. In short, his ticket or receipt or claim check was to be instantly redeemable on demand at the warehouse. ....

But over the decades, one or more money warehouses, or deposit banks, gained a reputation for probity and honesty. Their warehouse receipts then began to be transferred directly as a surrogate for the gold coin itself. The warehouse receipts were scrip for the real thing, in which metal they could be redeemed. They functioned as ‘gold certificates.’ In this situation, note that the total money supply in the economy has not changed; only its form has altered. .... Deposit banking, when the banks really act as genuine money warehouses, is still eminently productive and noninflationary. ....

All men are subject to the temptation to commit theft or fraud, and the warehousing profession is no exception. In warehousing, one form of this temptation is to steal the stored products outright—to skip the country, so to speak, with the stored gold and jewels. Short of this thievery, the warehouse man is subject to a more subtle form of the same temptation: to steal or ‘borrow’ the valuables ‘temporarily’ and to profit by speculation or whatever, returning the valuables before they are redeemed so that no one will be the wiser. This form of theft is known as embezzlement, which the dictionary defines as ‘appropriating fraudulently to one’s own use, as money or property entrusted to one’s care.’ …

The English goldsmiths discovered and fell prey to this temptation in a very short time, in fact by the end of the Civil War. So eager were they to make profits in this basically fraudulent enterprise, that they even offered to pay interest to depositors so that they could then ‘lend out’ the money. The ‘lending out,’ however, was duplicitous, since the depositors, possessing their warehouse receipts, were under the impression that their money was safe in the goldsmiths’ vaults, and so exchanged them as equivalent to gold. Thus, gold in the goldsmiths’ vaults was covered by two or more receipts. A genuine receipt originated in an actual deposit of gold stored in the vaults, while counterfeit ones, masquerading as genuine receipts, had been printed and loaned out by goldsmiths and were now floating around the country as surrogates for the same ounces of gold. ….

Why, then, were the banks and goldsmiths not cracked down on as defrauders and embezzlers? Because deposit banking law was in even worse shape than overall warehouse law and moved in the opposite direction to declare money deposits not a bailment but a debt.” (Rothbard 2008: 83–91).
Rothbard’s view, then, is that deposit banking on fractional reserves began as fraud, and the fraud was aided by the lack of a proper legal framework for bailment and mutuum loans.

This view is false, and largely the product of Rothbard’s own overactive imagination and his laughable ignorance of history.

First, Rothbard’s grasp of the legal history of banking throughout Western civilisation is utterly abysmal and embarrassing:
“Thus, in England, the goldsmiths, and the deposit banks which developed subsequently, boldly printed counterfeit warehouse receipts, confident that the law would not deal harshly with them. Oddly enough, no one tested the matter in the courts during the late seventeenth or eighteenth centuries. The first fateful case was decided in 1811, in Carr v. Carr. The court had to decide whether the term ‘debts’ mentioned in a will included a cash balance in a bank deposit account. Unfortunately, Master of the Rolls Sir William Grant ruled that it did. Grant maintained that since the money had been paid generally into the bank, and was not earmarked in a sealed bag, it had become a loan rather than a bailment.” (Rothbard 2008: 91–92).
In reality, the legal principle and banking convention that money delivered to a banker without being sealed in a bag, sack or box was a mutuum loan to the banker (and not a bailment) goes right back to ancient Roman law and banking practice (Reden 2012: 281). In the emperor Justinian’s Digest 19.2.31, this authoritative statement of Roman law tells us quite clearly that when money was left unsealed with someone (and implicitly even a banker) it was not a bailment, but a mutuum:
idem iuris esse in deposito: nam si quis pecuniam numeratam ita deposuisset, ut neque clusam neque obsignatam traderet, sed adnumeraret, nihil alius eum debere apud quem deposita esset, nisi tantundem pecuniae solveret.

“The same rule of law applies to deposits, for where a party has deposited a sum of money without having enclosed it in anything, or sealed it up, but simply after counting it, the party with whom it is left is not bound to do anything but repay the same amount of money [tantundem]” (Digest 19.2.31; trans. from Scott 1932).
Alternatively, if a person brought money to a banker sealed or enclosed in a bag or box, then the money became a bailment (or depositum regulare) and could not be used by the banker.

These principles were also accepted in medieval and early modern European law (Dotson 2004: 183). The practice of giving over money as a mutuum loan to a banker without being sealed in a bag or box, as described above, was recognised in Talmudic law (Goldin 1913: 68), as it was from the Jewish community from which many medieval bankers came.

The convention entered European civil law well before the 19th century. For example, John Ayliffe’s A New Pandect of Roman Civil Law (1734) states the principle:
“If I deposit a Bag of Money, or the like, with another Person, which Bag is sealed up, and the Person with whom this Depositum is lodged shall purloin or embezzle the same, or meddle with any part thereof against my Will, I may have both an Action of Theft and an Action ex Deposito against him, but not both together. But if the Person, with whom the Money is lodged, shall by my Permission make use of the Money thus deposited, he shall only be compelled to pay the Interest upon that account, as in other Pleas bona fidei;” (Ayliffe 1734: 520).
Bizarrely, Rothbard states that in Europe “bailment law scarcely existed until the eighteenth century” (!) (Rothbard 2008: 89). In fact, bailment law was highly developed even in the ancient Roman world (Berger 1953: 43), and the bailment law of medieval and early modern Europe was derived from the sophisticated legal system of the Romans (Dotson 2004: 184).

Secondly, Rothbard gives us a potted history of banking as follows:
“Factors, investment banks, finance companies, and moneylenders are just some of the institutions that have engaged in loan banking. In the ancient world, and in medieval and pre-modern Europe, most of these institutions were forms of ‘moneylending proper,’ in which owners loaned out their own saved money. Loan banks, in the sense of intermediaries, borrowing from savers to lend to borrowers, began only in Venice in the late Middle Ages. In England, intermediary-banking began only with the ‘scriveners’ of the early seventeenth century. The scriveners were clerks who wrote contracts and bonds, and were therefore often in a position to learn of mercantile transactions and engage in moneylending and borrowing. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, scriveners had been replaced by more advanced forms of banking.” (Rothbard 2008: 83–84).
In fact, even in the ancient world deposit banking under the mutuum contract was widely practised (see Andreau 1999: 40–41; Reden 2007: 286–290; Harris 2006: 10–12; Harris 2011: 236; Verboven 2009: 116–117), and even Rothbard’s statement that “loan banks” “in the sense of intermediaries, borrowing from savers to lend to borrowers, began only in Venice in the late Middle Ages” is untrue.

Even the Middle ages had deposit banking by at least the 13th century:
“The medieval economy was grounded in credit, a necessity given the limited European precious metal reserves which plagued merchant and king alike. …. Along with moneylending and foreign exchange, medieval deposit banking was another fuel for the commercial economy. Term deposits and ‘on demand’ deposits were both present in medieval banking by the thirteenth century. Interest was in all likelihood anticipated on such deposits.” (Reyerson 1999: 65)
In both the ancient world and the medieval world, such deposit banking on fractional reserves was generally conducted under the framework of the mutuum contract, not the bailment (depositum regulare).

The free banker George Selgin also demonstrates that Rothbard’s view of the origin of fractional reserve banking in Britain cannot be accepted as true (Selgin 2011).

Rothbard is puzzled that English jurists in the 19th century were ruling that unsealed money given to bankers was legally a mutuum, not a bailment (Rothbard 2008: 91–92), and even ascribes to these jurists the “major share of the blame for our fraudulent system of fractional reserve banking and for the disastrous inflations of the past two centuries” (Rothbard 2008: 93).

In this, he is, yet again, utterly mistaken. The English jurists of the 19th century were simply following the legal precedents and banking practices of many hundreds of years: their description of the mutuum loan was precisely how Western legal systems had always treated unsealed money transfers to bankers.

In short, the evidence points to the conclusion that deposit banking on fractional reserves was normally based on the mutuum contract from the beginning, and that Rothbard’s history is seriously flawed.

Further Reading
“Why is the Fractional Reserve Account a Mutuum, not a Bailment?,” December 17, 2011.

“Hoppe on Fractional Reserve Banking: A Critique,” December 11, 2011.

“If Fractional Reserve Banking is Fraudulent, Why isn’t the Insurance Industry Fraud?,” September 29, 2011.

“The Mutuum Contract in Anglo-American Law,” September 30, 2011.

“Rothbard Mangles the Legal History of Fractional Reserve Banking,” October 1, 2011.

“More Historical Evidence on the Mutuum Contract,” October 1, 2011.

“What British Law Says about the Mutuum Contract,” October 2, 2011.

“If Fractional Reserve Banking is Voluntary, Where is the Fraud?,” October 3, 2011.

“Huerta de Soto on the Mutuum Contract: A Critique,” August 11, 2012.

“A Simple Question for Opponents of Fractional Reserve Banking,” August 17, 2012.

“Chapter 1 of Huerta de Soto’s Money, Bank Credit and Economic Cycles: A Critique,” August 31, 2012.

“Huerta de Soto on Justinian’s Digest 16.3.25.1,” September 1, 2012.

“Huerta de Soto on Banking in Ancient Rome: A Critique,” September 2, 2012.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andreau, J. 1999. Banking and Business in the Roman World (trans. J. Lloyd). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York.

Ayliffe, John. 1734. A New Pandect of Roman Civil Law, as Anciently Established in that Empire; and now Received and Practised in Most European Nations. Tho. Osborne, London.

Barlow, C. T. 1978. Bankers, Moneylenders, and Interest Rates in the Roman Republic. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

Berger, A. 1953. Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.

Dotson, John E. 2004. “Banks and Banking,” in C. Kleinhenz (ed.), Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia. Vol. 1, A to K. Routledge, London. 89–92.

Goldin, H. E. 1913. Mishnah. A Digest of the Basic Principles of the Early Jewish Jurisprudence, Baba Meziah (Middle Gate), Order IV, Treatise II. G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York & London.

Harris, William V. 2006. “A Revisionist View of Roman Money,” Journal of Roman Studies 96: 1–24.

Harris, William V. 2011. Rome’s Imperial Economy. Twelve Essays. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Reden, Sitta von. 2007. Money in Ptolemaic Egypt: From the Macedonian Conquest to the End of the Third Century BC. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Reden, Sitta. 2012. “Money and Finance,” in Walter Scheidel (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 266–286.

Reyerson, K. L. 1999. “Commerce and Communications,” in David Abulafia (ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History V. c.1198–c.1300. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 50–70.

Rothbard, Murray N. 2008. The Mystery of Banking (2nd edn.). Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Ala.

Scott, S. P. 1932. The Civil Law. Central Trust Co., Cincinnati.

Selgin, G. “Those Dishonest Goldsmiths,” revised January 20, 2011
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1589709

Verboven, K. 2009. “Currency, Bullion and Accounts Monetary Modes in the Roman World,” Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Numismatiek en Zegelkunde / Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie155: 91–121.

Tuesday, June 10, 2014

Rothbard’s Argument for Natural Rights and the Absolute Right to Private Property is Totally Flawed

And it is easy to demonstrate so, and I expand below on an old post of mine.

First, Rothbard did not attempt to justify his natural rights ethics by means of theology (Rothbard 2002: 4), so this need not detain us.

Rothbard used a non-religious or secular justification for natural law and natural rights, and he presents his case for natural rights in For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto (2nd edn; 2006 [1973]):
“Let us turn then to the natural-rights basis for the libertarian creed, a basis which, in one form or another, has been adopted by most of the libertarians, past and present. ‘Natural rights’ is the cornerstone of a political philosophy which, in turn, is embedded in a greater structure of ‘natural law.’ Natural law theory rests on the insight that we live in a world of more than one—in fact, a vast number—of entities, and that each entity has distinct and specific properties, a distinct ‘nature,’ which can be investigated by man’s reason, by his sense perception and mental faculties. Copper has a distinct nature and behaves in a certain way, and so do iron, salt, etc. The species man, therefore, has a specifiable nature, as does the world around him and the ways of interaction between them. To put it with undue brevity, the activity of each inorganic and organic entity is determined by its own nature and by the nature of the other entities with which it comes in contact. Specifically, while the behavior of plants and at least the lower animals is determined by their biological nature or perhaps by their ‘instincts,’ the nature of man is such that each individual person must, in order to act, choose his own ends and employ his own means in order to attain them. Possessing no automatic instincts, each man must learn about himself and the world, use his mind to select values, learn about cause and effect, and act purposively to maintain himself and advance his life. Since men can think, feel, evaluate, and act only as individuals, it becomes vitally necessary for each man’s survival and prosperity that he be free to learn, choose, develop his faculties, and act upon his knowledge and values. This is the necessary path of human nature; to interfere with and cripple this process by using violence goes profoundly against what is necessary by man’s nature for his life and prosperity. Violent interference with a man’s learning and choices is therefore profoundly ‘antihuman’; it violates the natural law of man’s needs.” (Rothbard 2006 [1973]: 26–27).
There are severe problems here, as follows:
(1) It is untrue that “since men can think, feel, evaluate, and act only as individuals, it becomes vitally necessary for each man’s survival and prosperity that he be free to learn, choose, develop his faculties, and act upon his knowledge and values.” Rothbard is claiming a moral necessity here. He is deducing a morally necessary “ought” from an “is,” a deduction which, as Hume showed, is impossible to justify. But putting that aside for the moment (more on it later), even his reasoning is faulty.

Take a clear example: all human beings begin life as children and nearly always subject to the coercion of their parents who impose rules, deprive them of the freedom to do anything they want, and at the same time choose to impart knowledge and values to their children.

Children can and do survive and flourish while being subject to quite severe parental constraints and rules. For example, if one is raised Catholic, one did not give one’s consent when a child to be raised with Catholic values and religion: the choice was made by the parents, but one may well become a moral, successful, and prosperous human being, despite that parental coercion in knowledge and values.

There are even adults who prefer to let others choose their ends.

Certain mentally impaired human beings can survive and even flourish even though they are subject to strict control by their carers.

(2) Rothbard’s statement is wrong:
“Possessing no automatic instincts, each man must learn about himself and the world, use his mind to select values, learn about cause and effect, and act purposively to maintain himself and advance his life.”
On the contrary, human beings do possess “automatic instincts”: hunger, thirst, and a vast range of genetically determined behavioural traits. To take one example: human children have a genetic predisposition to acquire language as naturally as a bird grows its feathers.

(3) Rothbard and the “is-ought” problem of David Hume.
The central passage where Rothbard attempts to deduce a human being’s natural right to be free from violence or coercion is here:
“the nature of man is such that each individual person must, in order to act, choose his own ends and employ his own means in order to attain them. Possessing no automatic instincts, each man must learn about himself and the world, use his mind to select values, learn about cause and effect, and act purposively to maintain himself and advance his life. Since men can think, feel, evaluate, and act only as individuals, it becomes vitally necessary for each man’s survival and prosperity that he be free to learn, choose, develop his faculties, and act upon his knowledge and values. This is the necessary path of human nature; to interfere with and cripple this process by using violence goes profoundly against what is necessary by man’s nature for his life and prosperity. Violent interference with a man’s learning and choices is therefore profoundly ‘antihuman’; it violates the natural law of man’s needs.”
This is subject to Hume’s “is–ought problem,” or at least one important interpretation of it that is compelling.

When a person argues that some moral “ought” statement is necessarily true and entailed by some prior descriptive facts, there are insuperable difficulties with defending such moral necessity.

Remember that the “ought” here entails a necessity in the truth of the moral statement.

How is it possible to deduce with necessary truth the prescriptive/normative statement “violent interference with a man’s learning and choices is therefore profoundly ‘antihuman’” from mere descriptive statements?

To see how unconvincing this argument is, one only needs to make some changes to it to see the absurdity of the underlying type of argument:
“the nature of a leaf under the influence of gravity is to fall to the ground, such that each leaf must, in order to fall, be free from obstruction and interference when it detaches from the tree. Possessing no automatic instincts, each leaf must be subject to gravity, and fall to the ground; to interfere with and cripple this process by using interference to stop the leaf falling to the ground goes profoundly against what is necessary by the leaf’s nature. Violent interference with a leaf’s nature is therefore profoundly ‘antileaf’; it violates the natural law of the leaf’s natural action.”
Just because the nature of a leaf (or really its propensity to do certain things under natural laws) is to fall to the ground under the influence of gravity, it simply does not follow that we have deduced with necessary truth that the leaf has any moral right whatsoever to fall to the ground.

Hume’s “is–ought problem” is a profound and devastating one for natural rights theorists and indeed for anyone who thinks that he can necessarily deduce moral truths from natural facts.

(4) Rothbard’s argument for the “right to self-ownership” is flawed.
Rothbard’s defence of the “right to self-ownership” is as follows:
“The most viable method of elaborating the natural-rights statement of the libertarian position is to divide it into parts, and to begin with the basic axiom of the ‘right to self-ownership.’ The right to self-ownership asserts the absolute right of each man, by virtue of his (or her) being a human being, to ‘own’ his or her own body; that is, to control that body free of coercive interference. Since each individual must think, learn, value, and choose his or her ends and means in order to survive and flourish, the right to self-ownership gives man the right to perform these vital activities without being hampered and restricted by coercive molestation. Consider, too, the consequences of denying each man the right to own his own person. There are then only two alternatives: either (1) a certain class of people, A, have the right to own another class, B; or (2) everyone has the right to own his own equal quotal share of everyone else. The first alternative implies that while Class A deserves the rights of being human, Class B is in reality subhuman and therefore deserves no such rights. But since they are indeed human beings, the first alternative contradicts itself in denying natural human rights to one set of humans. Moreover, as we shall see, allowing Class A to own Class B means that the former is allowed to exploit, and therefore to live parasitically, at the expense of the latter. But this parasitism itself violates the basic economic requirement for life: production and exchange.” (Rothbard 2006 [1973]: 28).
The first problem with this argument is that ownership and private property in the sense defined by Rothbard (and this point is crucial) are not even natural concepts. You do not naturally “own” your body in the sense in which Rothbard defines the word: but you do possess/have a body as a consequence of genetic and biological processes.

But ownership rights and private property rights even as moral concepts are socially constructed concepts and, in any sufficiently complex society, legal concepts too, not natural concepts.

Let us turn to Rothbard’s justification for absolute self-ownership to expand on this point:
“The right to self-ownership asserts the absolute right of each man, by virtue of his (or her) being a human being, to ‘own’ his or her own body; that is, to control that body free of coercive interference.”
This is just another instance of Rothbard’s reasoning being utterly unconvincing because it is subject to Hume’s “is–ought problem.”

That human beings qua natural human beings (and not malformed or severely injured human beings, for instance) possess bodies is an empirical fact, as we have seen.

It is clear that Rothbard uses “own” in a special moral sense here. For if “own” merely means “possess” or “have,” then one can no doubt say that human beings who possess bodies own (= possess or have) bodies, but this is a tautology and a trivial truth.

But it does not follow from his descriptive natural fact that humans beings must with necessary moral truth own their bodies in the sense of being able “to control that body free of coercive interference.”

Furthermore, Rothbard’s claim that there are only “two alternatives” to denying each man the right to own his own person is manifestly false, as is shown by Edward Feser (“Rothbard as a philosopher,” August 8, 2009).

In fact, there are a number of possibilities that Rothbard does not consider, as Feser notes:
(1) no human actually owns himself or herself;
(2) a divine, creator being owns all human beings;
(3) one group of human beings might have a right to partial ownership of another group;
(4) all human beings have a partial and/or unequal ownership of everyone else.
Again, we must remember that the word “own” here means the absolute, morally necessary natural right “to control a human body free of coercive interference.”

It is (1) that is right: no human being or any living thing owns itself in the sense of having some absolute, morally necessary natural right “to control its body free of coercive interference.”

Does this mean that human beings can have no moral rights? It does not: for there are many ethical theories apart from Rothbard’s natural rights theory that can overcome or evade Hume’s “is–ought problem.”

First, it is a mistake to think that morality requires absolute necessary truth, like the truth of a valid analytic statement such as “all bachelors are unmarried” or “1 + 1 = 2.”

For example, some types of consequentialism argue that morality aims at certain ends, and that the logic of moral argument can only be an inductive logic, not a necessary deductive logic.

That is to say, it is correct that no moral “ought” statement is necessarily implied by descriptive facts, but a statement urging certain actions to achieve certain ends may well be inductively implied by descriptive facts in a probabilistic sense only. What we call “ethics” is essentially the inductive logic of arguments about how to achieve certain ends. Even the ultimate ends that we should aim at can be justified with rational argument, empirical evidence and inductive argument (and I have sketched my own consequentialist ethics here, on the basis of the theory called prescriptivism).

So what is the consequentialist view of human rights and rights to property? Under consequentialism, what human beings can have is a non-necessary moral right to a high, but not absolute, degree of freedom from coercive interference and a high, but not absolute, degree of freedom of control over external property. In order to achieve certain ends, we must accept restrictions on both personal property rights and behaviour.
Let us now turn to Rothbard’s natural rights argument for absolute ownership of external objects or external property rights:
“We have established each individual’s right to self-ownership, to a property right in his own body and person. But people are not floating wraiths; they are not self-subsistent entities; they can only survive and flourish by grappling with the earth around them. They must, for example, stand on land areas; they must also, in order to survive and maintain themselves, transform the resources given by nature into ‘consumer goods,’ into objects more suitable for their use and consumption. Food must be grown and eaten; minerals must be mined and then transformed into capital and then useful consumer goods, etc. Man, in other words, must own not only his own person, but also material objects for his control and use. How, then, should the property titles in these objects be allocated?

Let us take, as our first example, a sculptor fashioning a work of art out of clay and other materials; and let us waive, for the moment, the question of original property rights in the clay and the sculptor’s tools. The question then becomes: Who owns the work of art as it emerges from the sculptor’s fashioning? It is, in fact, the sculptor’s ‘creation,’ not in the sense that he has created matter, but in the sense that he has transformed nature-given matter—the clay—into another form dictated by his own ideas and fashioned by his own hands and energy. Surely, it is a rare person who, with the case put thus, would say that the sculptor does not have the property right in his own product. Surely, if every man has the right to own his own body, and if he must grapple with the material objects of the world in order to survive, then the sculptor has the right to own the product he has made, by his energy and effort, a veritable extension of his own personality. He has placed the stamp of his person upon the raw material, by ‘mixing his labor’ with the clay, in the phrase of the great property theorist John Locke. ....

As in the case of the ownership of people’s bodies, we again have three logical alternatives: (1) either the transformer, or ‘creator’ has the property right in his creation; or (2) another man or set of men have the right in that creation, i.e., have the right to appropriate it by force without the sculptor’s consent; or (3) every individual in the world has an equal, quotal share in the ownership of the sculpture—the ‘communal’ solution. Again, put baldly, there are very few who would not concede the monstrous injustice of confiscating the sculptor’s property, either by one or more others, or on behalf of the world as a whole. By what right do they do so? By what right do they appropriate to themselves the product of the creator’s mind and energy? In this clear-cut case, the right of the creator to own what he has mixed his person and labor with would be generally conceded. (Once again, as in the case of communal ownership of persons, the world communal solution would, in practice, be reduced to an oligarchy of a few others expropriating the creator’s work in the name of ‘world public’ ownership.)

The main point, however, is that the case of the sculptor is not qualitatively different from all cases of ‘production.’ The man or men who had extracted the clay from the ground and had sold it to the sculptor may not be as ‘creative’ as the sculptor, but they too are ‘producers,’ they too have mixed their ideas and their technological know-how with the nature-given soil to emerge with a useful product. They, too, are “producers,” and they too have mixed their labor with natural materials to transform those materials into more useful goods and services. These persons, too, are entitled to the ownership of their products.” (Rothbard 2006 [1973]: 36–39).
The argument is just as flawed as Rothbard’s argument for absolute ownership of one’s own body:
(1) the fact that I have used my labour to possess some external object in nature not claimed by anyone else only means that I now possess or have it: the descriptive facts do not entail with necessary moral truth that I now have an absolute right to ownership of the object free from all external coercion. The morally necessary “ought” just does not follow from the “is.”

To see this, let us look at a real world example:
Bees use their labour to collect nectar from flowers: they now have a morally necessary natural right to the nectar!

Then honeybees return to the hive and give their nectar to worker bees. These bees labour by regurgitating the nectar and making honey from it (through the action of enzymes), and they then use their labour to store the honey in honeycombs.

It follows from this that bees own their honey and have the absolute natural right to not be aggressed against and have their honey stolen by other animals and humans!
If Rothbard’s natural rights arguments were true, then it would be a grossly immoral act for any human being to take honey from wild bee hives, and saying that a person used their labour to coercively collect the honey so that he “homesteaded” it does not overcome the problem: for then I could claim that the labour expended by a thief in robbing someone was a legitimate way to own the victim’s property. Clearly, this does not work under Rothbard’s ethics.

Another response would be that natural rights only apply to human beings: but even this does not succeed, for if no non-human, living thing has any absolute natural right to self-ownership and ownership of external things, then why should human beings? Why the double standard?

The answer to these various moral conundrums is of course that Rothbard’s natural rights theory is nonsense.

But what would a consequentialist say about this? Can we take honey from bees morally, given that the bees mixed their labour with the honey? The answer is “yes,” because no living thing has any necessary moral right to its external property in the first place.

Is it always moral to take honey from bees? Though it would have to rank low on the list of moral question humans must face, consequentialism can provide better answers than Rothbard’s natural rights ethics and its incoherence.

If a human being, for example, has no pressing need for food and destroys a hive and takes all the honey leaving the bees with no food and to suffer and starve, then one can make a consequentialist case that this is immoral. But here it would be immoral because we have to keep in mind the consequentialist aim of minimising the harm and suffering we cause to other living things (of course, even here empirical questions arise: is the animal in question conscious? Does it feel pain? Can it suffer?).

But fortunately most bee-keeping is not like this and such moral questions do not normally arise and, as noted above, even if they did would be low on our list of moral questions: for most beekeepers take a certain amount of the honey and leave the hive enough to survive and sometimes even provide the bees with sugar or corn syrup if necessary.

Yet another issue arises with animals: say you acquire fertilised chicken eggs and through your labour create chickens. Does it follow you have an absolute natural moral right to the animals, even to the point of torturing them and mistreating them? Is it immoral for another human being or the community through its laws and legal system to use non-lethal and limited coercion to stop you in your mistreatment? The absurd natural rights ethics of Rothbard says “yes,” the consequentialist rightly says “no,” because (1) you never had any absolute natural right to ownership of the animals in the first place and (2) greater moral issues arise when human beings own living things that can feel pain and suffer.

In short, with these examples, we see how Rothbard’s natural rights ethics leads to incoherence in the first instance, and moral bankruptcy in the second, and that consequentialism is superior.

(2) One of Rothbard’s arguments, taken from Locke, verges on the mystical:
“Surely, if every man has the right to own his own body, and if he must grapple with the material objects of the world in order to survive, then the sculptor has the right to own the product he has made, by his energy and effort, a veritable extension of his own personality. He has placed the stamp of his person upon the raw material, by ‘mixing his labor’ with the clay, in the phrase of the great property theorist John Locke.”
It is difficult to see how using one’s labour to create something makes the thing in question an “extension of [sc. the] … personality” of the labourer.

Even if did, it would still not follow that any necessary natural moral right to the created thing is created.

For example, are children the absolute property of parents, merely because parents have engaged in labour to create the children?
In conclusion, the foundation of Rothbard’s natural rights ethics is utterly flawed, incoherent and dependent on logical fallacies long known in the history of philosophy.

Links
Feser, Edward, “Rothbard as a philosopher,” August 8, 2009.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Rothbard, M. N. 2006 [1973]. For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto (rev. edn), Ludwig von Mises Institute.

Feser, Edward, “Rothbard as a philosopher,” August 8, 2009